Monday, November 4, 2013

Charlotte Bunch pays tribute to Sunila Abeysekera (1952-2013)


Charlotte Bunch pays tribute to Sunila Abeysekera (1952-2013), a courageous feminist and human rights advocate within Sri Lanka, and a leader in South Asia and globally.
Sunila at the World Social Forum, Porto Alegre 2005. Credit: Susanna George
The world lost an extraordinary, brave and articulate voice for human rights when Sunila Abeysekera (1952-2013) lost her battle with cancer on September 9th in Colombo. For many of us, we lost one of our most trusted and beloved friends and feminist thinkers who was a beacon of insight and commitment always prodding us to examine a different angle on an issue, learn from another movement or book, devise a new strategy, and never give up.  She also had a playful relish for life - its joys as well as its contradictions - with a love for the arts and popular culture, for pistachio ice cream and string hoppers as well as for politics and gossip.  Even amid the difficulties of a defender’s life, she snatched time to watch the latest movies and read voraciously – discarding used pot-boilers in airports and pondering post-modern feminist theory to discuss in our “free time”. She gave birth to two children on different continents, and adopted several more as the need arose,  incorporating them seamlessly into what her daughter Subha hailed at her funeral as her “unconventional” life of activism and love.
A courageous feminist and human rights advocate within Sri Lanka, Sunila was also a leader in South Asia and globally. She was at the forefront on many issues, fighting relentlessly for justice and human rights on behalf of all who experienced discrimination and persecution, whether on the basis of their politics, race-ethnicity, nationality or culture, class, gender or sexual orientation.  Sunila embodied both an intersectional analysis and the connection between the local and the global. Deeply grounded in her national context, she also participated in international movements, and walked the halls of the UN in Geneva and New York on behalf of all her causes.
A singer and actress by training, Sunila began her work as a Human Rights Defender in the mid 1970’s in a nonpartisan interethnic organization protecting leaders in her country’s youth movement. She become a key figure in numerous Sri Lankan civil society groups over the ensuing decades - as a founder of the Women and Media Collective, as an advocate for women workers in the free-Trade Zones and the tea plantations, and then in support of the Mothers Front and Women for Peace that stood up against state repression in her country’s long and deadly ethnic conflict.  
In 1990, as violent repression and terrorism in Sri Lanka increased, she assumed  leadership of INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre. Over the next two decades, she worked across deep ethnic divides in seeking accountability for human rights violations by all sides in the war and demanding a negotiated political solution.  Like her father, Charles Abeysekera who died in 1998, she became a leading voice for human rights in her country and in her work at the UN.
While her island was always home, Sunila had an abiding curiosity about the world and  traveled widely. She spent a high school year in California as an exchange student where she developed a vast knowledge of US popular culture and folk music, which she often sang. She studied “women and development” at the Institute for Social Studies in The Hague in 1977, where she moved into an apartment with a Jamaican and a Peruvian instead of sticking with her national group. In 1994, she worked in Peru with Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristan as part of a feminist South-South exchange program. She lived several times in The Hague and in Kuala Lumpur when she needed to escape her homeland. She traveled endlessly for events everywhere, including the World Social Forums where she helped organize Feminist Dialogues.
Sunila and Lala Huarou, China 1995. Credit: Fatima Jaffer
I met Sunila when we were both exploring feminist connections globally at the 1985 NGO Forum held with the UN World Conference on Women in Nairobi. The following year, I traveled to India and Sri Lanka with Roxanna Carrillo – her Peruvian roommate and now my life partner - as part of a cross-cultural feminist team that experienced the intensity of her work and the dynamism of South Asian feminism first hand. 
Our long friendship was forged during the Global Campaign for Women’s Human Rights in the 1990’s that sought recognition of women’s rights as human rights at the UN World Conferences in Vienna, Cairo, and Beijing and advocated for gender analysis at the World Conference on Racism in Durban in 2001.  With her knowledge of the UN Human Rights system and her experience in mainstream human rights movements, Sunila taught  us much about this work in her gentle and uncomplicated way. Her presence has been crucial to bringing feminist analysis to human rights work in many areas such as peace and security, refugees, and sexual rights to name only a few.    
Sunila also knew the movement had to be multi-generational and sought to keep up with new ideas and younger women. She was a resource person in leadership institutes at the Center for Women’s Global Leadership at Rutgers, as well in our joint institutes with the network of Women Living Under Muslim Laws (WLUML) in Istanbul and Lagos.  She was a frequent presence at many leadership workshops and activities held in the Asian region; her generosity with her time and knowledge is noted by many groups throughout the world who have held tributes to her.  
One of Sunila’s major contributions over the last decade was building awareness of and support for women’s human rights defenders. As a defender and feminist who lived with threats to her life and in exile, she led with great authenticity and could bring feminist and human rights organizations together.  She spearheaded the first International Consultation held on this subject in Colombo in 2005, and guided the work of the Women’s Human Rights Defenders International Coalition, an advocacy network that formed out of that meeting.  She also served as chair of the Board of the Urgent Action Fund that supports women activists in crisis. 
Sunila at an Urgent Action Board meeting in 2007
November 29th was declared International Day for Women Human Rights Defenders at the end of the 2005 Consultation on that date.  This is part of the16 Days of Activism Against Gender Based Violence Campaign (Nov. 25-Dec 10), and in 2013, we will honour Sunila and other defenders who have died this past year.  
In this 20th anniversary year since the Vienna Human Rights Conference in 1993, the loss of Sunila is particularly poignant. We miss her profoundly, but the impact of her work and vision lives on in the many women and men who she touched and her spirit will accompany us forever.
Read Sunila writing on openDemocracy 50.50,  A brutal manifestation of patriarchy and Challengung ourselves at Beijing+15
To read a collection of memories of Sunila go to www.Sunilaabeysekera.com  and further tributes at AWID:  Remembering Sunila: A tribute to the life and work of Sunila Abeysekera

Monday, October 14, 2013

Monday, September 23, 2013

Pictures from the Bread and Puppet Museum by Karen Ranucci

Elka Schumann runs the print shop of Bread and Puppet, printing banners, posters
and small books.
The Bread and Puppet Farm was owned by the Dopp Family. Daisy Dopp was
a writer for the local paper, doing a column on farm life.

Wednesday, September 4, 2013

The Women of Fukushima


Over a year since three reactors went into meltdown at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, a broad, disparate anti-nuclear movement is growing in Japan. Nowhere is that more apparent, perhaps, than in Fukushima prefecture, where a group of local women boldly protest the deafening silence of the Japanese government over the worst nuclear accident of this century. Largely ignored by their own media, these brave women brush aside their cultural shyness and share their brutally honest views on the state of the cleanup, the cover-ups, the untruths and the stagnant political climate in today’s Japan. Supported with rare footage from inside the exclusion zone, as well as from abandoned neighboring towns, the Women of Fukushima (“Fukushima no Onnatachi”) offers startlingly candid insights, in the women’s own voices, about what has become of their lives, homes, and families in the aftermath of 3/11. 

福島第一原子力発電所で3基の原子炉がメルトダウンを起こしてから1年以上。さまざまな人々による大がかりな反原発運動が日本国内で拡大しつつあります。この運動がもっとも顕著なのは、おそらく福島県でしょう。そこでは地元の女性グループが勇敢にも立ち上がり、今世紀最悪の原発事故に対する日本政府の沈黙に抗議しているのです。国内メディアにほとんど無視されてきたこの勇敢な女性たちは、内気な県民性を脇へ押しやり、現在の日本における汚染除去の現状や隠ぺい、嘘、そして停滞した政治情勢について包み隠さぬ率直な意見を公表しています。立ち入り禁止区域内や周辺の荒れ果てた無人の村々の貴重な映像と共に、「福島の女たち」は3・11によって彼女たちの人生、故郷、家族がどのような影響を受けたのかについての驚くほど率直な見解を、彼女たち自身の声で伝えます。


Women of Fukushima-English subtitles from Paul Johannessen on Vimeo.

Tuesday, August 27, 2013

VERMONT YANKEE TO CLOSE FINALLY!!!!















Some lines from an interview with Grace... speaking about
how the affinity group from Vermont Yankee demos came
to Washington to support those who were arrested during
the Women's Pentagon Action.

Monday, August 26, 2013

Washerwoman Concert in the Bread and Puppet Museum


The Washerwomen were created in the 1980s for a show about resistance to war and as a tribute to Grace Paley.

















Photo by Charles Steckler

From an essay by John Bell "Grace Paley's Political Arts:
Text and Ritual Performance in the
Women's Pentagon Action (excerpt) 2009

Wednesday, August 21, 2013

AWAKE by YOKO ONO



ARISING

A CALL

WOMEN OF ALL AGES, FROM ALL COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD:
YOU ARE INVITED TO SEND A TESTAMENT
OF HARM DONE TO YOU FOR BEING A WOMAN.
WRITE YOUR TESTAMENT IN YOUR OWN LANGUAGE,
IN YOUR OWN WORDS, AND WRITE HOWEVER OPENLY YOU WISH.
YOU MAY SIGN YOUR FIRST NAME IF YOU WISH,
BUT DO NOT GIVE YOUR FULL NAME.
SEND A PHOTOGRAPH ONLY OF YOUR EYES.
THE TESTAMENTS OF HARM AND PHOTOGRAPHS OF YOUR EYES
WILL BE EXHIBITED IN MY INSTALLATION ARISING,
JUNE 1 – NOVEMBER 24, 2013, IN THE EXHIBITION,
PERSONAL STRUCTURES, AT PALAZZO BEMBO IN VENICE,
AS PART OF THE 55TH VENICE BIENNALE.
A BOOK WILL ALSO BE PREPARED OF THE ARTWORK,
AND A SELECTION OF YOUR TESTAMENTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS
WILL BE PUBLISHED IN THIS BOOK.
THE INSTALLATION ARISING WILL CONTINUE TO GROW
AND WILL BE EXHIBITED IN MANY COUNTRIES.
I VERY MUCH HOPE FOR YOUR PARTICIPATION.
yoko ono
April 29, 2013



Send your testaments and photos just of your eyes by post to:
ARISING c/o Global Art Affairs Foundation – Palazzo Bembo
Riva del Carbon 47930 -­ 30124 Venezia -­ Italy
ARISING is an ongoing project that will continue to grow and be exhibited in many countries.
The deadline for submissions is open.




YOcropped2

RISING

Listen to your heart
Respect your intuition
Make your manifestation
Thereʼs no limitation
Have courage
Have rage
Weʼre all together
Follow your heart
Use your intuition
Make your manifestation
Thereʼs no confusion
Have courage
Have rage
Weʼre rising

Friday, July 19, 2013



Mystery Grandma Stuns Drum Shop Staff with Killer Skin-Slapping Skills

It was just another day at the Coalition Drum Shop in La Crosse, Wisconsin, when in came a mysterious grandma who proceeded to blow everyone away with her unexpected skin-slapping prowess.
"We have no idea where this lady came from, what her name is, or where she went," a shop rep says, "but she rocked our faces off!"
Here she is allegedly using double bass pedals for the very first time. Rock on, memaw!:

Friday, June 14, 2013

Mothers of Istanbul Defend the Protesters


















Dozens of mothers formed a human chain in Taksim between the protesters and the police,
showing their support to the Gezi Park demos. 
AA photo
Istanbul Governor Hüseyin Avni Mutlu today called on the mothers of the Gezi Park protesters to "bring their children home." However, instead of following the governor's order, many mothers joined their children at the demonstration, marking the latest instance of protesters turning the authorities' statements on their head. 

Dozens of mothers held hands and formed a large human chain to show their support to the protests, which have entered their 17th day, by standing guard around the park. 

Earlier, Mutlu had said that no police intervention was foreseen in the next 24 hours, despite reports that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan had instructed otherwise. Mutlu also gave his own cell phone number during a broadcast by the private NTV channel, calling on the young people at Gezi Park not to hesitate giving him a ring. He also said that he intended to visit the park soon.



June/13/2013
  
An average Turkish mother nowadays. She is preparing an anti-teargas solution for her daughters who go and resist for Gezi Park.

Wednesday, May 15, 2013

Resistance to Privatization



Is laughing the mic check of 2013?

Carlos slim
People scattered monopoly money on their way out of the New York Public Library after laughing at monopolist Carlos Slim. (WNV/Casper)
Last Thursday night’s event at the New York Public Library got a whole lot funnier when about 50 people staged a laugh-in against Mexican businessman Carlos Slim.
Famous (but not infamous enough) for being the world’s richest man, Slim was at the library to speak about his interest and recent investment in the free online courses of the Kahn Academy, yet his voice was drowned out by waves of laughter for the first 30 minutes of the event. Finally, a man rose and explained the joke to the befuddled audience.
“Carlos Slim, your charity is laughable,” activist Stan Williams declared. “But your monopolies are no laughing matter. You’re price-gouging your consumers and exploiting the Mexican people!”
Slim was attempting to recast himself as a philanthropist while stealing billions through his nearly complete control of Mexico’s telecommunications system. With the punchline delivered, the group then began marching around the room playing the Imperial Death March on plastic kazoos.
The action was organized by the coalition Two Countries One Voice and a cohort of New York City activists, including the Yes Men and, for full disclosure, me.
The idea for a laugh-in was inspired by an action in India in which hundreds gathered for a multi-day occupation outside of a then-governor’s office. The crowd had one goal: to laugh away the governor’s power to scare and control them. Andy Bichlbaum of the Yes Men explained that even uttering the governor’s name sparked uproarious laughter across the encampment.
“He didn’t immediately leave office,” Bichlbaum said. But when the next round of elections came, the governor was voted out.
The laugh-in against Carlos Slim deployed a similar atmosphere of levity to tackle serious issues: the fact that one man could be worth more than $70 billion dollars (more than half the GDP of his entire country), and a system in which charity is presented as the solution for mass poverty and systemic inequality.
Slim’s apparent generosity follows in a long tradition; charity has long been the way that the world’s top monopolists have cleansed their image, and it’s often used as the justification for why we should permit staggering wealth accumulation. In fact, the very location of the protest — the New York Public Library — is a monument to the robber-baron economic system of an earlier era. In the early 1900s, the Carnegie family provided millions in donations — today the equivalent of about a zillion dollars — for the creation of public libraries across New York. Sounds great, but it’s perhaps worth remembering that the Carnegies amassed their inconceivable wealth by crushing unions and exploiting workers as the expanded their steel and railroad empires. In one particularly flattering instance, known as the Homestead Strike of 1892, Carnegie quashed a workers’ protest by calling in thousands of men from the mercenary army Pinkerton first to fill the workers’ jobs and then to kill them. In order to shed themselves of these reputations, they funneled millions in dirty money into building libraries and public spaces — named, unsurprisingly, in their honor.
By investing in online free educational initiatives, Carlos Slim is playing a similar game, simply with less marble. With the increasing privatization of natural resources, educational systems and government operations (Slim’s telecommunications monopoly was sold to him by the Mexican government), the idea of public space is increasingly moving into the virtual plane. Hence Slim’s interest in free online education, and his desire to speak at an iconic educational institution alongside Salman Khan, the founder of the Khan Academy.
While online learning initiatives have their own murky implications for the future of public education, the laugh-in wasn’t a protest against Khan Academy. Rather, it was exposing the absurdity of Carlos Slim’s attempt to cleanse his image through charitable donations. According to Two Countries One Voice, the monopolist has effectively amassed his wealth by ratcheting up the prices for cell phone communications across Mexico, overcharging to the tune of tens of billions of dollars.
We think the all-too-common idea that people like Slim are a force for good in the world is pretty funny — and we bet more people will catch on to the joke soon enough.

Sunday, April 21, 2013

Raging Grannies sing about our rights (from the Stop Stop and Frisk march last year)


our homemade cloth banner

 http://nycmetro.raginggrannies.org/SongLyrics.htm

http://nycmetro.raginggrannies.org/Audio&Video.htm 

http://nycmetro.raginggrannies.org/NYMetroRagingGrannies
andTheirDaughters.htm
 

Some of them will link to each other.

Watch for changes! Feel free to complain about any problems to our web developer by sending mail to raginggrannies@comicbookradioshow.com

Raging Grannies is an international movement which started in 1987 in British Columbia, Canada. It now has chapters (which we call " gaggles" ) all over the world. Raging Grannies promote global peace, justice and social and economic equality by raising consciousness through song parodies and satire. You can find hundreds of songs from Grannies near and far athttp://raginggrannies.net.

Our gaggle, NYC Metro Raging Grannies and Their Daughters was started and sponsored by the New York City chapter of Women' s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). Our ages range from 49 to 98.

If you live near enough to travel to our meetings in New York City (Manhattan), you can join the NY Metro gaggle.

Contact us at raginggrannies@comicbookradioshow.com

We often sing at rallies, protests, demonstrations, and the like, but we are also invited to sing by other groups and individuals. To invite us to sing for your organization, group, or rally, please e-mail us:raginggrannies@comicbookradioshow.com

Breaking News! We now have a CD,Still Aging, Still Raging: Raging Grannies of New York Ci  our CD 
To get a copy, please e-mail us: 

Friday, April 12, 2013



Severyn Bruyn

Recovering Nonviolent History: Civil 
Resistance in Liberation Struggles edited
by Maciej J. Bartkowski is one of the best
books I have read on this subject in decades.
 It is so well documented with cases and so
superbly interpreted with fresh theory that
I wish it could be on the best-seller list. It
tells us how people are learning nonviolent
resistance through the rise of social move-
ments and collective identities. It reveals how
 nonviolent action has worked effectively
using different strategies around the world
for a long time. Notably, the book recovers
new historical cases of civil resistance in addition to the already impressive
database of 106 mass-based struggles against dictatorship, occupation, and
self-determination that occurred between 1900 and 20061, thus encouraging
 further scholarly research.
  
In this book you will find cases of nonviolent resistance from Sub-Saharan 
Africa (Ghana, Zambia, Mozambique), North Africa and the Middle 
East (Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Palestine) Asia and Oceania (Burma, Bangladesh, 
West Papua), Europe (Hungary, Poland, Kosovo), and the Americas (Cuba 
and the United States.) The cases are written in a clear fashion; anyone can 
understand these stories and feel the unexpected power of people. The 
reader will learn a lot about nonviolent resistance in the past and what 
these movements portend for the future.
  
Maciej Bartkowski argues that the Great Man theory of change is not true. 
Significant changes in opposition against oppression do not require a 
charismatic leader like Gandhi. Some of the citizen movements in this book 
did have good leaders (e.g. Hungary, Zambia, Ghana, and Egypt) but others 
were virtually leaderless and still made significant changes.

The author makes a special point. Nonviolent resistance calls for inter-
disciplinary studies. In a time when universities have segregated their
disciplines in departments where faculty do not talk to one another,
these social movements call for collaboration. Such disciplines include
sociology, political science, economics, psychology, anthropology
history, and more. These resistance movements are multi-causal and
can have an impact on many institutions in the whole society. They
affect self-identity, government policies, and can impact on a whole
way of life.

An interesting fact: Nonviolent struggles for self-determination have been
escalating in recent times. The author points to statistical data on this
augmentation. I have been aware of the increase in nonviolent movements
in the last century but I never had scientific data. In the 20th century
alone collective movements began not only under the leadership of
Gandhi in India but Kagawa in Japan, Danilo Dolci in Sicily,
Lanzo del Vasto in France, Mairead Corrigan and Betty Williams in
Ireland, Thich Nhat Hanh and Cao Ngoc Phong in Vietnam, Dom Heldar
Camara in Brazil, Vinoba Bhava in India, Martin Luther King, Jr., Cesar
Chavez, David Dellinger, and Dorothy Day in the United States, and
more. These movements have produced a widespread awareness of t
he effectiveness of nonviolent resistance around the world.2
Footnotes
1. Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, Why Civil Resistance Works. 
The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict, (Columbia University Press,
New York 2011).

2. Severyn Bruyn and Paula Rayman, eds.,Nonviolent Action and Social 
Change, (Irvington Publishers, New York, 1979).

3. Severyn Bruyn, A Civil Economy (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan
Press, 2003); A Civil Republic (Kumerian Press, 2005).

Bartkowski sees a “paradigm shift” in the way we understand nonviolent
struggles in nation-states. He sees the importance of small acts of resistance
aligned with “institution building,” how “collective identities initiate
fundamental changes.” Alternative institution building is based upon
associations of people, not states. Civil associations are becoming the ground
 for self-governance in society. My own studies support the author’s outlook.
This growth in civil associations has been part of the evolution of society for
centuries.3

He does not take the traditional focus of historians on structures, military
power and mechanisms of coercion but instead recognizes that the force
shaping nations rests in the purposeful and defiant action of an unarmed
 citizenry. He does not see a tight military state as the basis for explaining
the inability of people to make changes. He does not view the state as
a top down, centralized machine, rather, as a diffused and fragile power
where the voluntary action of ordinary people makes change happen.
The latent power of people becomes evident with the gradual
withdrawal of consent and the accumulation of citizens in disobedience.
 Important changes are made by the autonomous “agency” of people.
The independent actions of ordinary persons make a difference. And it
happens under many different kinds of oppressive structures.

The author points to studies on the greater “efficacy” of nonviolent
campaigns in contrast to violent ones. The rate of success of civil resistance
campaigns is more than two and a half times higher than the rate of its failures
and more than twice as successful as their armed counterparts. Similarly,
Gene Sharp – the founder of cross-national studies on citizen resistance –
' once told me he found fewer people die in nonviolent struggles for
independence than in violent struggles. I hope that more research can
be done on such “efficacy.” It might convince people of their own power
to save human lives.

The use of nonviolent resistance has been taking place well before
Gandhi was born. People throughout history have been relying on
nonviolent methods of struggle. In certain times, citizens have
realized the benefits of nonviolent resistance as opposed to the
terrible consequences of armed struggle. The recognition of
these benefits of nonviolent struggle is increasing around the world.

In one chapter, Lee Smithey points out how nonviolent struggles can
be “integrative” and community making – a theme that comes up
in various empirical chapters included in this book. These case studies
show how people overcome their ethnic, religious, and racial differences
in nonviolent struggles. New “collective identities” rise above
and beyond class and racial differences. People in most cases are not
fighting as pacifists. They are just ordinary citizens who see a wrong and
become concerned and then angry enough to stand up for their rights. They
 are not in the same category as great religious founders like Buddha o
r Jesus who taught about compassion for humanity. Citizens are not
preaching about “loving your enemies.” They are regular people who
see a “wrong” and want to set it right.

Successful resisters have not rationalized their action on their pacifism
or their religion. The 10,000 teachers of Norway who stopped Hitler
from putting Nazi textbooks in their schools did not see themselves
as pacifists. Some died in concentration camps under terrible
conditions but by seeing the effectiveness of nonviolent tactics
they were able to win. Hitler and Quisling lost.

The citizens of Guatemala were not pacifists when they overthrew
Ubico, the tyrannous dictator in the 1940s who admired Hitler. The resistance
movement began when faculty in universities were losing liberties
and marched in protest. This protest led to a buildup of collective
identity and sympathy across the country. One teacher in a march
to the capital was killed by the government and became a martyr.
The resistance spread throughout the country and it finally resulted
in an entire “economic shutdown” of the nation. Ubico had to give
up his power. He went away to Mexico to buy a farm and live by himself.

This book is about the hidden history of nonviolent struggles in society.
Historians ignore these cases of nonviolence, preferring by tradition to write
about kings, emperors, and presidents and the elite. They ignore what the
underclass is doing to make change happen. This prejudice of historians
to write about the elite then leads to the loss of society’s collective memory.
The invisibility of small movements in history impacts adversely on
theories of social change by social scientists.

I hope that social scientists will buy this book about “recovering history.”
It adds to our collective memory and understanding of what has
actually been happening to bring about the formation and development of nations.

Severyn Bruyn, Professor Emeritus, Boston College. He is the author of numerous books, articles and plays, including Nonviolent Action and Social Change,  co-edited with Paula Rayman and an Oratorio "The Teachers of Norway" (that pays tribute to the bravery of the Norwegian teachers who waged nonviolent resistance against pro-Nazi Quisling regime during the Second World War).