Wednesday, May 15, 2013

Resistance to Privatization



Is laughing the mic check of 2013?

Carlos slim
People scattered monopoly money on their way out of the New York Public Library after laughing at monopolist Carlos Slim. (WNV/Casper)
Last Thursday night’s event at the New York Public Library got a whole lot funnier when about 50 people staged a laugh-in against Mexican businessman Carlos Slim.
Famous (but not infamous enough) for being the world’s richest man, Slim was at the library to speak about his interest and recent investment in the free online courses of the Kahn Academy, yet his voice was drowned out by waves of laughter for the first 30 minutes of the event. Finally, a man rose and explained the joke to the befuddled audience.
“Carlos Slim, your charity is laughable,” activist Stan Williams declared. “But your monopolies are no laughing matter. You’re price-gouging your consumers and exploiting the Mexican people!”
Slim was attempting to recast himself as a philanthropist while stealing billions through his nearly complete control of Mexico’s telecommunications system. With the punchline delivered, the group then began marching around the room playing the Imperial Death March on plastic kazoos.
The action was organized by the coalition Two Countries One Voice and a cohort of New York City activists, including the Yes Men and, for full disclosure, me.
The idea for a laugh-in was inspired by an action in India in which hundreds gathered for a multi-day occupation outside of a then-governor’s office. The crowd had one goal: to laugh away the governor’s power to scare and control them. Andy Bichlbaum of the Yes Men explained that even uttering the governor’s name sparked uproarious laughter across the encampment.
“He didn’t immediately leave office,” Bichlbaum said. But when the next round of elections came, the governor was voted out.
The laugh-in against Carlos Slim deployed a similar atmosphere of levity to tackle serious issues: the fact that one man could be worth more than $70 billion dollars (more than half the GDP of his entire country), and a system in which charity is presented as the solution for mass poverty and systemic inequality.
Slim’s apparent generosity follows in a long tradition; charity has long been the way that the world’s top monopolists have cleansed their image, and it’s often used as the justification for why we should permit staggering wealth accumulation. In fact, the very location of the protest — the New York Public Library — is a monument to the robber-baron economic system of an earlier era. In the early 1900s, the Carnegie family provided millions in donations — today the equivalent of about a zillion dollars — for the creation of public libraries across New York. Sounds great, but it’s perhaps worth remembering that the Carnegies amassed their inconceivable wealth by crushing unions and exploiting workers as the expanded their steel and railroad empires. In one particularly flattering instance, known as the Homestead Strike of 1892, Carnegie quashed a workers’ protest by calling in thousands of men from the mercenary army Pinkerton first to fill the workers’ jobs and then to kill them. In order to shed themselves of these reputations, they funneled millions in dirty money into building libraries and public spaces — named, unsurprisingly, in their honor.
By investing in online free educational initiatives, Carlos Slim is playing a similar game, simply with less marble. With the increasing privatization of natural resources, educational systems and government operations (Slim’s telecommunications monopoly was sold to him by the Mexican government), the idea of public space is increasingly moving into the virtual plane. Hence Slim’s interest in free online education, and his desire to speak at an iconic educational institution alongside Salman Khan, the founder of the Khan Academy.
While online learning initiatives have their own murky implications for the future of public education, the laugh-in wasn’t a protest against Khan Academy. Rather, it was exposing the absurdity of Carlos Slim’s attempt to cleanse his image through charitable donations. According to Two Countries One Voice, the monopolist has effectively amassed his wealth by ratcheting up the prices for cell phone communications across Mexico, overcharging to the tune of tens of billions of dollars.
We think the all-too-common idea that people like Slim are a force for good in the world is pretty funny — and we bet more people will catch on to the joke soon enough.

Sunday, April 21, 2013

Raging Grannies sing about our rights (from the Stop Stop and Frisk march last year)


our homemade cloth banner

 http://nycmetro.raginggrannies.org/SongLyrics.htm

http://nycmetro.raginggrannies.org/Audio&Video.htm 

http://nycmetro.raginggrannies.org/NYMetroRagingGrannies
andTheirDaughters.htm
 

Some of them will link to each other.

Watch for changes! Feel free to complain about any problems to our web developer by sending mail to raginggrannies@comicbookradioshow.com

Raging Grannies is an international movement which started in 1987 in British Columbia, Canada. It now has chapters (which we call " gaggles" ) all over the world. Raging Grannies promote global peace, justice and social and economic equality by raising consciousness through song parodies and satire. You can find hundreds of songs from Grannies near and far athttp://raginggrannies.net.

Our gaggle, NYC Metro Raging Grannies and Their Daughters was started and sponsored by the New York City chapter of Women' s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). Our ages range from 49 to 98.

If you live near enough to travel to our meetings in New York City (Manhattan), you can join the NY Metro gaggle.

Contact us at raginggrannies@comicbookradioshow.com

We often sing at rallies, protests, demonstrations, and the like, but we are also invited to sing by other groups and individuals. To invite us to sing for your organization, group, or rally, please e-mail us:raginggrannies@comicbookradioshow.com

Breaking News! We now have a CD,Still Aging, Still Raging: Raging Grannies of New York Ci  our CD 
To get a copy, please e-mail us: 

Friday, April 12, 2013



Severyn Bruyn

Recovering Nonviolent History: Civil 
Resistance in Liberation Struggles edited
by Maciej J. Bartkowski is one of the best
books I have read on this subject in decades.
 It is so well documented with cases and so
superbly interpreted with fresh theory that
I wish it could be on the best-seller list. It
tells us how people are learning nonviolent
resistance through the rise of social move-
ments and collective identities. It reveals how
 nonviolent action has worked effectively
using different strategies around the world
for a long time. Notably, the book recovers
new historical cases of civil resistance in addition to the already impressive
database of 106 mass-based struggles against dictatorship, occupation, and
self-determination that occurred between 1900 and 20061, thus encouraging
 further scholarly research.
  
In this book you will find cases of nonviolent resistance from Sub-Saharan 
Africa (Ghana, Zambia, Mozambique), North Africa and the Middle 
East (Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Palestine) Asia and Oceania (Burma, Bangladesh, 
West Papua), Europe (Hungary, Poland, Kosovo), and the Americas (Cuba 
and the United States.) The cases are written in a clear fashion; anyone can 
understand these stories and feel the unexpected power of people. The 
reader will learn a lot about nonviolent resistance in the past and what 
these movements portend for the future.
  
Maciej Bartkowski argues that the Great Man theory of change is not true. 
Significant changes in opposition against oppression do not require a 
charismatic leader like Gandhi. Some of the citizen movements in this book 
did have good leaders (e.g. Hungary, Zambia, Ghana, and Egypt) but others 
were virtually leaderless and still made significant changes.

The author makes a special point. Nonviolent resistance calls for inter-
disciplinary studies. In a time when universities have segregated their
disciplines in departments where faculty do not talk to one another,
these social movements call for collaboration. Such disciplines include
sociology, political science, economics, psychology, anthropology
history, and more. These resistance movements are multi-causal and
can have an impact on many institutions in the whole society. They
affect self-identity, government policies, and can impact on a whole
way of life.

An interesting fact: Nonviolent struggles for self-determination have been
escalating in recent times. The author points to statistical data on this
augmentation. I have been aware of the increase in nonviolent movements
in the last century but I never had scientific data. In the 20th century
alone collective movements began not only under the leadership of
Gandhi in India but Kagawa in Japan, Danilo Dolci in Sicily,
Lanzo del Vasto in France, Mairead Corrigan and Betty Williams in
Ireland, Thich Nhat Hanh and Cao Ngoc Phong in Vietnam, Dom Heldar
Camara in Brazil, Vinoba Bhava in India, Martin Luther King, Jr., Cesar
Chavez, David Dellinger, and Dorothy Day in the United States, and
more. These movements have produced a widespread awareness of t
he effectiveness of nonviolent resistance around the world.2
Footnotes
1. Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, Why Civil Resistance Works. 
The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict, (Columbia University Press,
New York 2011).

2. Severyn Bruyn and Paula Rayman, eds.,Nonviolent Action and Social 
Change, (Irvington Publishers, New York, 1979).

3. Severyn Bruyn, A Civil Economy (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan
Press, 2003); A Civil Republic (Kumerian Press, 2005).

Bartkowski sees a “paradigm shift” in the way we understand nonviolent
struggles in nation-states. He sees the importance of small acts of resistance
aligned with “institution building,” how “collective identities initiate
fundamental changes.” Alternative institution building is based upon
associations of people, not states. Civil associations are becoming the ground
 for self-governance in society. My own studies support the author’s outlook.
This growth in civil associations has been part of the evolution of society for
centuries.3

He does not take the traditional focus of historians on structures, military
power and mechanisms of coercion but instead recognizes that the force
shaping nations rests in the purposeful and defiant action of an unarmed
 citizenry. He does not see a tight military state as the basis for explaining
the inability of people to make changes. He does not view the state as
a top down, centralized machine, rather, as a diffused and fragile power
where the voluntary action of ordinary people makes change happen.
The latent power of people becomes evident with the gradual
withdrawal of consent and the accumulation of citizens in disobedience.
 Important changes are made by the autonomous “agency” of people.
The independent actions of ordinary persons make a difference. And it
happens under many different kinds of oppressive structures.

The author points to studies on the greater “efficacy” of nonviolent
campaigns in contrast to violent ones. The rate of success of civil resistance
campaigns is more than two and a half times higher than the rate of its failures
and more than twice as successful as their armed counterparts. Similarly,
Gene Sharp – the founder of cross-national studies on citizen resistance –
' once told me he found fewer people die in nonviolent struggles for
independence than in violent struggles. I hope that more research can
be done on such “efficacy.” It might convince people of their own power
to save human lives.

The use of nonviolent resistance has been taking place well before
Gandhi was born. People throughout history have been relying on
nonviolent methods of struggle. In certain times, citizens have
realized the benefits of nonviolent resistance as opposed to the
terrible consequences of armed struggle. The recognition of
these benefits of nonviolent struggle is increasing around the world.

In one chapter, Lee Smithey points out how nonviolent struggles can
be “integrative” and community making – a theme that comes up
in various empirical chapters included in this book. These case studies
show how people overcome their ethnic, religious, and racial differences
in nonviolent struggles. New “collective identities” rise above
and beyond class and racial differences. People in most cases are not
fighting as pacifists. They are just ordinary citizens who see a wrong and
become concerned and then angry enough to stand up for their rights. They
 are not in the same category as great religious founders like Buddha o
r Jesus who taught about compassion for humanity. Citizens are not
preaching about “loving your enemies.” They are regular people who
see a “wrong” and want to set it right.

Successful resisters have not rationalized their action on their pacifism
or their religion. The 10,000 teachers of Norway who stopped Hitler
from putting Nazi textbooks in their schools did not see themselves
as pacifists. Some died in concentration camps under terrible
conditions but by seeing the effectiveness of nonviolent tactics
they were able to win. Hitler and Quisling lost.

The citizens of Guatemala were not pacifists when they overthrew
Ubico, the tyrannous dictator in the 1940s who admired Hitler. The resistance
movement began when faculty in universities were losing liberties
and marched in protest. This protest led to a buildup of collective
identity and sympathy across the country. One teacher in a march
to the capital was killed by the government and became a martyr.
The resistance spread throughout the country and it finally resulted
in an entire “economic shutdown” of the nation. Ubico had to give
up his power. He went away to Mexico to buy a farm and live by himself.

This book is about the hidden history of nonviolent struggles in society.
Historians ignore these cases of nonviolence, preferring by tradition to write
about kings, emperors, and presidents and the elite. They ignore what the
underclass is doing to make change happen. This prejudice of historians
to write about the elite then leads to the loss of society’s collective memory.
The invisibility of small movements in history impacts adversely on
theories of social change by social scientists.

I hope that social scientists will buy this book about “recovering history.”
It adds to our collective memory and understanding of what has
actually been happening to bring about the formation and development of nations.

Severyn Bruyn, Professor Emeritus, Boston College. He is the author of numerous books, articles and plays, including Nonviolent Action and Social Change,  co-edited with Paula Rayman and an Oratorio "The Teachers of Norway" (that pays tribute to the bravery of the Norwegian teachers who waged nonviolent resistance against pro-Nazi Quisling regime during the Second World War).

Tuesday, March 19, 2013

A Guy Who Sews


Michael Swaine, Free Mending Library, San Francisco, Futurefarmers, eco-fashion, sustainable fashion, green fashion, ethical fashion, sustainable style, make do and mend, collaborative consumption, California College of the Arts
Sitting behind his makeshift “sewmobile” for the greater part of a decade, Swaine says he’s been able to step out of his professional purview to create connections he otherwise wouldn’t have. Although he’s viewed as a “social artist” by some and a curiosity by others, Swaine insists he is merely a fellow citizen, a teacher, and a “guy who sews.”

Viewed as “social artist” by some and a curiosity by others, Swaine insists he is merely a “guy who sews.”

“I never like picking just one label…it cuts off conversations with groups of people,” Swaine tells Ecoutere. “From my side of things, once a month is a small effort and there are many other people doing big important things. My small act is mostly a gesture and for some it means a lot but I think the bigger importance is the example of participating, of being a citizen and acting outside of what is normal.”
Michael Swaine, Free Mending Library, San Francisco, Futurefarmers, eco-fashion, sustainable fashion, green fashion, ethical fashion, sustainable style, make do and mend, collaborative consumption, California College of the Arts

MENDING COMMUNITIES

Swaine’s project began in 2001 under the auspices of the “Generosity Project” for the California College of Art’s Wattis Institute. The lines of the original concept have blurred over the years, attracting not just people who need things repaired but also volunteers who sometimes take over with the sewing and mending.

Swaine considers his setup an ongoing collaboration between himself and the community at large.

There are also customers, many of them regulars, who like to stick around. For them, Swaine brings out chairs so they can linger. Sometimes people don’t need something darned so much as someone to talk to, he says. The term “mending,” he adds, can take on many meanings.
Instead of the one-man performance piece he started with, Swaine now considers his setup an ongoing collaboration between himself and the community at large.
Swaine has many of these life-changing partnerships. An analog designer with Futurefarmerssince 1998, Swaine participates with many of the organization’s interdisciplinary projects, which range from fingerprint-based video games to a hand-drawn survey of Toronto’s city center. His work has been featured in exhibitions at New York City’s Cooper-Hewitt, National Design Museum, as well as San Francisco’s Museum of Craft and Folk Art and Exploratorium.
With the breadth of his experience, one can begin to understand why Swaine dislikes labels. “I think ‘doing good’ is a difficult phrase,” he says. “From my side of things, once a month is a small effort and there are many other people doing big important things. My small act is mostly a gesture and for some it means a lot but I think the bigger importance is the example of participating, of being a citizen, and acting out side what is the normal.”

+ Michael Swaine

Sunday, March 3, 2013

Mother's Paper Trail Indicts School District in Upstate New York


For Pine Plains high schooler Anthony Zeno,
racial harassment turned life upside down (video)
By PAULA ANN MITCHELL from Daily Freeman
P
    
Anthony Zeno had a lot going for him.

He was young, full of dreams and belonged to a
close-knit, loving family. His parents left the fast pace of
Long Island in 2005 and moved their family north to
settle in the quiet Northern Dutchess town of Pine Plains.

It was a new beginning for Henry and Cathleen Zeno, who
wanted to raise their five children in a place with open
space, clean air and old-fashioned values.
“That is one of the things that drove us here,” Cathleen
Zeno said. “We wanted that hometown family feeling.
Unfortunately, we were the wrong color.”

As a dark-skinned, Hispanic male, Anthony, the oldest son,
became the object of scorn, ridicule and even death threats
while attending Stissing Mountain High School in Pine
Plains from 2005 to 2008.

Almost daily, a core group of students made his life a living
hell.  They would hurl racial epithets at him, urinate in his
locker,  yank his jewelry, strike him and often follow him
home, taunting him — sometimes with a noose or
Confederate flag hanging from their vehicles.



There even was an instance when a male classmate
got in Zeno’s face and declared he was going to rape
Zeno’s younger sister. It mattered little that Zeno
stood 6-foot-1 and played on the high school football team.
“It (the harassment) happened every day,” said Zeno,
now 24. “Every day, it was something new. Every day, I was
fighting these things. I couldn’t even go to sleep.”

To make matters worse, those who were supposed to
be fostering an atmosphere of safety in the schools did little
to address the problem, he said. “I had teachers not doing
their job. They literally watched this happen, and they
wouldn’t come forward to say anything,” he said.

Years later, Zeno has managed to put the pieces of his
life back together, though he admits it hasn’t been easy.
He attended Dutchess Community College after graduating
from Stissing Mountain in 2008 and now works full-time
as a direct-care aide for the Taconic Developmental
Disabilities Services Office.

Zeno also took the advanced barber program offered at
Dutchess BOCES and now is a master barber. In his free time,
 he boxes and trains in mixed martial arts. Zeno also is
engaged, and he and his fiancée are expecting their first child.

Zeno also has the monetary assurance that his future will
be a little bit easier, even though it came at such a high cost —
his childhood.  In March 2010, an all-white jury in a federal
discrimination suit filed against the Pine Plains school district
found the district liable under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964 and awarded Zeno $1.25 million in damages. Title VI
prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color or
national origin.

The case, heard in U.S. District Court in White Plains,
involved four days of testimony, including Zeno’s.  A judge
later reduced the award to $1 million, but the school district
appealed just the same. Last December, a federal appeals
court upheld the $1 million judgment against the district,
calling the district “deliberately indifferent” to “physical
and verbal racial harassment” suffered by a former student
at the high school.

District officials, in a statement released in December,
expressed “disappointment” in the outcome and said they
chose not to take the case to the U.S. Supreme Court “based
on the legal advice of the attorneys representing the district
and insurance company.” “We have never tolerated harassment
 in our schools, nor have we failed to
 address known incidents,” the statement read.

“However, as per the court’s dictates, where more than
one incident of harassment of a student occurs by different
students over a significant period of time, it is now clear that
addressing each incident alone is not enough. Broader measures
are required.”

Zeno’s case represented one of the biggest awards ever
 issued for racial harassment at the high school level and is
significant for several reasons,
said Stephen Bergstein, the family’s attorney.

“Student harassment-bullying cases are among the most
difficult civil rights cases to win because the legal standard
requires the student to prove that the school district was
deliberately indifferent to known
harassment,” Bergstein said.

“This means that the jury has to find that the school
district essentially disregarded the problem or that it did
not care or its response to the problem was so clearly
unreasonable that it caused the student to suffer
additional harassment.”

By contrast, in workplace harassment cases, the plaintiff
only has to show the employer negligently responded to
the harassment — a much easier  standard for plaintiffs,
Bergstein noted. “For this reason, many student
harassment cases don’t even make it to trial,” the lawyer
said. “The judge dismisses the case … for lack of evidence
that the school district was deliberately indifferent.”

That was not so for the Zenos, and they made an all-out
effort to get the harassment to stop, including writing
letters to officials and appealing to district Superintendent
Linda Kaumeyer. Bergstein said the school district tried on
several occasions to address the problem,
 including bringing in the Rev. James Childs of Kingston
as a diversity trainer, but that it was “too little, too late.”

“The jurors told us after the trial that they were outraged
that the district dragged its feet in dealing with Anthony’s
harassment and that the superintendent, in particular,
was aloof when Anthony’s mother sent her letters demanding
urgent action on the problem,” Bergstein said.

“One juror was a school administrator who said that his
district would never respond to this kind of harassment
the way that Pine Plains did. He said that the evidence that
the district ignored the Human Rights Commission’s
offer to implement immediate diversity training was
 ‘devastating.’”

It was precisely that for Zeno, too, who still bears deep
scars from the nonstop persecution. He is a private, guarded
man who has turned down countless media requests for
 interviews, but Zeno said he has come to realize that others
might learn from his experience.

That is why he and his mother decided to grant the
Freeman an exclusive interview last week. “I didn’t understand
what racism was ’til I moved up here,” Zeno said by phone
from his Kingston home. As part of the family’s move to
Dutchess County in 2005, Zeno transferred from Longwood
High School in Brookhaven, Long Island, to Stissing Mountain,
a school with a current minority population of 9 percent.

The Pine Plains school district serves students from the
Northern Dutchess towns of Clinton, Milan, North East,
Pine Plains and Stanford, as well as the Columbia County
towns of Ancram, Clermont, Gallatin and Livingston.

“Every culture was represented at the old school,” Zeno
said. “Everybody had their differences, but they worked
it out. Here, I felt like a foreigner.”

Zeno was targeted almost from day one, his mother recalled.

She said she often followed him to school to make
sure he was safe and that as the harassment escalated,
so did her paper trail.

Zeno’s mother even lost her job during the height of it
because she was leaving work so often to intervene on
her son’s behalf with school administrators.

“It got to the point where I had to keep a running log,”
 she said. “My biggest thing ... was I wanted to make sure
my child was safe. We reached out to the NAACP and
brought them to the school. We wanted to start some
changes. Unfortunately, (the school) did not utilize it,”
 Mrs. Zeno said.

Early on, the Zenos also contacted the Dutchess County
Human Rights Commission, which met with school officials
to offer solutions like assigning Anthony an adult
“shadow” as protection. But nothing seemed to work,
his mother said. After the Zenos hired Bergstein, they
began weighing their options.

The family was apprehensive about trial and even offered
to settle the case two weeks before trial for $75,000.
“It was so surreal because it was like, ‘I’m reaching out to
you.’ It was a daily cry, ‘Please, I need you to make sure
he’s safe,’” Cathleen Zeno said.

Instead, the harassment intensified, even reaching the point
where Zeno’s life was threatened, according to his family.

“One of the kids on their Myspace (page) had distributed
through the Internet a $250,000 bounty on Anthony’s head,”
his mother said, adding that it was by no means an isolated
incident.

Another time, two people appeared in a truck outside their home.
Zeno was in the front yard and reported hearing a clicking sound
 that sounded like a trigger being pulled.

When the vehicle showed up at the school the following day,
the building went into “code yellow,” and Zeno’s younger siblings
were removed while he was taken to the principal’s office, his
mother said.

“When it started to get to the death-threat level, I changed my
gears and decided to deal with state troopers,” she said. About
this time, Cathleen Zeno said she almost lost it. “I just broke
down,” she said. “I told Anthony, ‘We need to get you out of
this school,’ but he said, ‘No, Mom. We’re not going to allow
them to run us out of town. We’re going to stand our ground and
get through it.’”

While Mrs. Zeno considered her son a pillar of strength during
 the ordeal — often likening him to the biblical Daniel in the
 lion’s den — Zeno said it was his mother’s courage and his
faith that pulled him through. “Thank God I have the mother
that I have,” he said. “She raised me with religion and told us
that everything happens for a reason, even if it’s negative,
to show you a lesson in life. It was a learning experience.”

Even so, Zeno, who suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder,
has routinely sought therapy to cope.

“God doesn’t give you what you cannot handle,” he said. “You
have to stand. You have to be tough and not let others get the
best of you.”

Zeno has siblings left in the school, and the family is keeping a
close eye on the district to make sure it stays vigilant. In the
meantime, Zeno continues to map out his future.

A key part of that is to start some kind of anti-bullying program
combined with the martial arts to help children find their strength.
Zeno said he’s unsure how he’ll move it forward but that the idea
has been brewing in his mind for some time. “You don’t have to
have muscles or be a badass to stick up for yourself, but if you’re
a person who’s being picked on, it’ll give you discipline and be
a de-stressor,” he said.

He also has another, more personal motive to do something for
future generations of minorities or bullied youths. “I have my own
family now, and I just have to make sure that this doesn’t happen
to my children,” he said.

Monday, February 4, 2013

Rosa Parks demonstrating against apartheid at the South African Embassy in DC in 1985. From the new book, The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks by Jeanne Theoharis

Jeanne Theoharis was as surprised as anyone to learn that Rosa Parks’ work as civil rights activist extended far beyond that fateful day in 1955 when she refused to give up her seat on a Montgomery, Ala. bus. But when Parks died nearly seven years ago, Theoharis started doing some digging and discovered that there was much more to Parks’ story.
Forced to leave Montgomery in 1957 because of death threats and the inability to find work after the bus boycott, Parks spent the second half of her political life in Detroit battling the racism of the North. And yet, in all the public tributes to Parks, there was little mention of this half century of activism.




“Bizarrely, the story hadn’t been told,” says Theoharis, a professor in the Department of Political Science, who has penned several books and articles on the Civil Rights and Black Power movements. “She is one of the most famous women of the 21st Century and there was no scholarly biography.”
Theoharis says the reason for this is threefold. “Because Parks was so famous, many of us assume we know everything about her. Also, a lot of people with progressive or radical politics tend to be in your face; Parks didn’t have that kind of personality.” Finally, Theoharis adds, Parks’ personal papers have been tied up in legal disputes over her estate, which presents an obstacle to any scholar hoping to embark on a comprehensive biography.
But Theoharis wasn’t deterred. She poured over old newspapers, magazines, and the archives of theNational Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations. She also interviewed family members and those who worked with Parks.

Theoharis’ research eventually turned into The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks (Beacon, 2013), a revealing book about a life that was devoted to helping end segregation and injustice way before that day on the Montgomery bus. The book will be released on January 29, in time for what would have been Parks’ 100th birthday on February 4.
Theoharis structures the text chronologically, starting with Parks’ childhood in Alabama, followed by her marriage, a decade of work with the Montgomery branch of the NAACPP—a chapter that was considered radical at the time—and then on to her bus arrest, the boycott, and what Theoharis calls “the decade of suffering that ensued,” which included health problems, death threats, and financial insecurity.
The book also chronicles Parks’ life after the boycott, when she moved to Detroit with her husband and eventually found work with a young Rep. John Conyers, who had recently been elected to the U.S. Congress.The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks also explores the civil rights icon’s later work as a picket-line protestor and featured rally speaker with the anti-Vietnam and anti-Apartheid movements.
“There’s no doubt her act that day in Montgomery was courageous. It just wasn’t the first time she had done this kind of thing,” says Theoharis, who adds that Parks had routinely refused to pay her fare in the front of the bus and enter in the back, as was the law at the time, and had been kicked off the bus before. She had also refused to use the “colored” drinking fountain.
“She knew full well how dangerous it was to do what she was doing,” says Theoharis. “There was a real threat of violence and no sense that one might possibly accomplish anything for it. She had no idea that this would galvanize a movement.”
But Parks was just the right mix of working-class woman with a “middle-class demeanor,” as Theoharis describes it, that the NAACP leadership could work with. Her history of activism gave the organization faith that she wouldn’t flinch under pressure and that she was perfect person to see through a court case challenging the legality of racial segregation.
The work Parks would go on to do, like participating in the Poor People’s Campaign after Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated, would touch on some of the biggest civil and human rights campaigns of the last century.
“Her story is almost like the movie ‘Forrest Gump’ in that she ends up taking part in all these historical events,” says Theoharis. “She had this huge political lifespan and yet what we know about her too often focuses on this one day.”
There’s no doubt Parks is seen as an icon, but if history told a more complete story, Theoharis thinks she would be much more relatable, and useful, to young people.
“If we look at the real substance of her politics, it provides a deep challenge to us in terms of what individual courage looks like,” she says. “And it becomes much easier to see how we work for social change today.”  (From the Brooklyn College Web News)



Monday, January 21, 2013

Myrlie Evers-Williams to lead invocation at the inauguration



Here is Myrlie Evers-Williams speaking at an NAACP rally at Howard University, 50 years before her invocation at the inauguration today. Learn about Myrlie Evers from a National Visionary Leadership Project interview:http://shar.es/C0V8q and about the life and legacy of Medgar Evers:http://bit.ly/T9CpwH Photo: Corbis.

Wednesday, January 2, 2013

Puppets, Peace and Political Art




....A discussion held in December at the Theater for the New City with John Bell, Peter Schumann and Tom Finkelpearl. Both Grace and Bob Nichols are mentioned in this discussion. Bob was an enthusiast of Noh drama and for a period in the 1960's Bread and Puppet created theater directly influenced by this Japanese dramatic form.